Abstracts

European and U.S. Responses to Chinas Rise：

Theory， Strategy， and Interaction

ZHAO Huaipu & WANG Zhenling

In recent years， whether China can rise peacefully has been a central topic in the policy-making circles and academia of Europe and the United States. IR theorists of different schools have analyzed this topic through their respective paradigmatic prisms， and offered their suggestions on how to respond to Chinas rise. Theoretical debates have influenced and even guided the formulation of EU and American strategies on Chinas rise， as the elements of power， institution， culture and international community are all embedded in their specific strategies and policy responses. However， due to differences in their behavior， values， and soft and hard powers， they differ in the combination of theoretical elements in their strategies. As a result， even though the U.S. and the EU have similar goals regarding Chinas rise， their approaches are very different. With new changes in the international situation in the past few years， the EU and the U.S. have strengthened their interaction and coordination in their responses to Chinas rise. But because of insufficient hard power on the part of the EU and the differences in transatlantic Asia strategies， cooperation on their China strategies is still limited. China should support and push for stronger trilateral interaction and coordination， as this will help lessen joint pressure from the two and enhance Chinas influence in the international system.

The Current Middle Eastern Security Situation and Implications for Chinas Middle East Diplomacy

LI Weijian

Three years into the upheaval， the security situation in the Middle East has become increasingly complicated. Apart from traditional hot-spot issues， regional secular-sacred rivalry， sectarian conflicts， and political strife among different forces activated by political transformation have become new factors threatening regional security. The political game between pro-Brotherhood and anti-Brotherhood forces in Egypt has torn apart the society， breeding potential threats to regional stability. The protracted and unsettled Syrian crisis has kicked up the dust of regional extremism and enabled terrorists groups to expand by exploiting the turmoil， threatening a spillover effect on regions beyond. Moreover， the U.S. strategic rebalance to Asia has changed the regional geopolitics， creating new tensions among regional powers. Interplay among major powers like the U.S. and Russia on Middle Eastern and global affairs have influenced the security situation in the Middle East. For quite a long time in the future， traditional hot-spot issues in the Middle East will remain the major factor affecting regional security and geopolitics， and the prolonged and profound transition will remain the single most prominent feature in Middle Eastern political and social development. Chinas relations with the Middle East and its foreign policy toward the region will be based and focused on these realities. China will have greater involvement in Middle Eastern affairs with a view to helping peacefully settle hot-spot issues and contributing to stable transitions in regional countries.

New Security Concept and the Security Dilemma between China and ASEAN

ZHANG Zhexin

In view of the development of regional security situation and growing regionalism at the turn of the 21st century， China submitted the Position Paper on the PRCs New Security Outlook to the ASEAN Regional Forum in July 2002， which， in harmony with ASEANs regional security concept， served as a good foundation for the all-round development of their relationship in the 2000s. With the geopolitical changes in East Asia in recent years， however， ASEANs strategic distrust of China has been rising and its security concept shifting toward bandwagoning with the U.S. and other outside powers to hedge against China. A security dilemma is thus taking shape between China and ASEAN， which hinders the further development of their strategic partnership. In order to consolidate a favorable neighborhood for lasting peaceful rise， China must upgrade the existing New Security Concept. More specifically， China should emphasize the building of regional consensus on “indivisible common interests and the integration between interests and justice” while adhering to the core proposals of New Security Concept， so as to overcome the security dilemma between China and ASEAN and bring their relations back on the track of comprehensive and inclusive cooperation.

Approaches of Safeguarding Chinas Overseas Interests：

Analysis Based on International Institution Theory

WANG Falong

Overseas interests refer to all rights and benefits of a country based on material and spiritual needs， which are outside the scope of national sovereignty. In this age of globalization， overseas interests are contractual and inclusive by nature； overseas interests of all countries experience a gradually consistent and interdependent trend within borders， among different regions， even at the global level. Since the reform and opening up， Chinas overseas interests has been developing rapidly. Meanwhile they face growing real threats and potential risks and their sensitivity and vulnerability become increasingly prominent. International institution is the legal framework and strategic platform to safeguard overseas interests， which plays an instrumental， normative and constitutive role in safeguarding national oversea interests. However these functions depend on members international institutional abilities. The development of Chinas overseas interests suggests that the realization of overseas interests is closely related to its international institutional abilities. Lack of these abilities and narrow paths of international institution seriously constrict a countrys ability to safeguard the oversea interests. In the institutionalized and normalized international community， China should not be restricted to specific material interests， but it should go beyond the purely material interests and parochial power thinking. China should enhance strategic planning on the international institution level， making efforts to participate in， reform and construct international institution， improve its ability， develop more new approaches to get long-term strategic interests.

Political Risks of Chinas Multinational Enterprises：

Case and Policy Analysis

HUANG He

In the context of Chinas sustained economic growth and corporate strength increased， Chinese government proposed the implementation of the “going out” strategy to encourage and support qualified enterprises of various forms of ownership to carry out transnational operations in accordance with international rules. At present， China has become the third largest economy in the world in terms of foreign investment and has established a number of offshore oil and mineral resources production bases which provide enough oil & gas， mineral resources， timber and meet the demands of economic and social development. As a market behavior， Chinese enterprises operating overseas business will inevitably encounter two types of risks： business risks and foreign-based political risks. As more and more Chinese enterprises appeared in international business and capital markets， foreign political risk has become an important factor affecting overseas investment of Chinese enterprises and the national economic security.

Libyan Security Governance in the Post-Gaddafi Era

JIANG Tao

Traditionally， there are three security governance models in post-conflict reconstruction： disarmament， demobilization and reintegration （DDR）， security sector reform （SSR） and temporary stabilization measures （ISM）. After Muammar Gaddafis regime was overthrown， Libyas security reconstruction was rather slow. The guerrillas and armed groups are out of control， the security regimes are out of service and the regional security structures are now in imbalance. Libya's war has tremendous impacts on the countrys post-conflict reconstruction， which is also the important reason of the current grim status of Libyan security. The solutions to the dilemma lies in the combination of the traditional ways， developing a comprehensive management strategy and roadmap， taking targeted measures to disarm the guerrillas under different circumstances， strengthening the construction of the security sector， and accelerating the establishment of the coordinating organization. And all the related actors should play a constructive role and attach great importance to the spillover effects of the Libyan unrest to promote security governance in Libya towards irreversible trend. During the process of Libyas conflict and reconstruction， China has not only adhered to the traditional principle of non-interference， but also involved creatively which implies remarkable changes of its Middle East diplomacy.

Key Factors in Arctic Regional Governance Paradigm：

Institutional Design and Environment Shaping

ZHAO Long

Arctic governance paradigms have curtained periodic characteristics. As the initial stage of Arctic governance， regional governance emphasizes the building of common values as well as positive interaction and integration of different parties within the region. Regional Arctic governance is evaluated by three criteria， namely objective commonality and deliberate construction of values， the actual interaction and potential platforms as well as external challenges and the maneuvers of related parties throughout their cooperation. With regard to the framework of governance， various institutions have been designed to promote common identity and ensure exclusive interests， with growing efforts to shape favorable environment for self-governance within the region. Rovaniemi process and Ilulissatprocess are built on the basis of exclusiveness， but they have demonstrated closed and semi-closed regional governance differences of institutional design and environment shaping. With the expansion of the scope of the problem， the sprawl of power and demand for external resources， the Arctic region exposes flaws in the governance paradigm of cross-regional and collective principles， gradually progressive multilateral governance from the region to the middle of this paradigm. The traditional paradigm of regional Arctic governance cannot meet the demands of the Arctic today that has transformed from a strategically low-tension region to one with global impacts on many non-traditional issues. With the growing internalization of core ideas by related actors and with the changes of physical variables in the region， Arctic governance is showing a tendency toward an even higher stage of symbiotic governance.

Challenges and Responses of UN in Global Climate Change Governance

SHI Chenxia

The global climate change governance under the framework of the United Nations has developed for more than 40 years. During the process， the climate change problem gradually shifted to a global political problem from a purely scientific problem. With the basic governance framework put in place， and an improved governance structure， the global climate change governance has achieved some results on the whole. But as the main coordination center and governing body in the process of governance， the United Nations is caught in a plight， characterized with a loose governance structure， lack of governance capacity， and a gradually marginalized status. So the United Nations needs to respond in several dimensions， ranging from mechanisms， capacities， ideas， and the role of positioning to enhancing overall governance capacity and constructing a comprehensive governance framework， in order to address the challenges of climate change and promote global governance， implement a comprehensive and effective governance， and at the same time， consolidate its leading position in the field of global governance.